War Resisters League’s Military Spending “Pie Chart”

February 16, 2004

The War Resisters League has issued its famous “Pie Chart” fly­er show­ing “Where Your Income Tax Mon­ey Real­ly Goes”:http://warresisters.org/piechart.htm. An annu­al tra­di­tion, this fly­er breaks down U.S. gov­ern­ment spending.
This year 49% of income-tax gen­er­at­ed fed­er­al spend­ing is going to the mil­i­tary. That’s $536 bil­lion for cur­rent mil­i­tary spend­ing, $349 bil­lion to pay for past mil­i­tary spend­ing and a pro­ject­ed $50 bil­lion that the Pres­i­dent will ask Con­gress for after the elections.
There’s just so much wrong with this amount of mil­iary spend­ing. This is mon­ey that could be going into job cre­ation, into sup­port­ing afford­able health care for Amer­i­cans, into giv­ing our kids bet­ter edu­ca­tion. The strongest defense a coun­try could ever have is invest­ing in its peo­ple, but that’s impos­si­ble if we’re spend­ing half of our tax­es on bombs. And hav­ing all these bombs around makes us itchy to use them and gives us the abil­i­ty to fight wars large­ly by ourselves.
The WRL fly­er always goes beyond mere num­ber crunch­ing, how­ev­er, to show some of the human impact of this inbal­anced spend­ing. This time we have list­ings of “lives lost in Afghanistan & iraq,” lives lost due to poor health stan­dards around the world, the lost free­dom of pris­on­ers being held by the U.S. against the Gene­va Accords, and the friends “lost and found” by the U.S.‘s uni­lat­er­al­ist war.

Thirty years later: Kissinger’s war crimes

December 7, 2003

Newly-declassified doc­u­ments from the U.S. State Depart­ment show that for­mer U.S. Sec­re­tary of State “Hen­ry Kissinger sanc­tioned the dirty war in Argentina”:www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1101121,00.html in the 1970s in which up to 30,000 peo­ple were killed.
bq. “Look, our basic atti­tude is that we would like you to suc­ceed,” Mr Kissinger is report­ed as say­ing. “I have an old-fashioned view that friends ought to be sup­port­ed. What is not under­stood in the Unit­ed States is that you have a civ­il war. We read about human rights prob­lems, but not the con­text. The quick­er you suc­ceed the bet­ter … The human rights prob­lem is a grow­ing one … We want a sta­ble sit­u­a­tion. We won’t cause you unnec­es­sary dif­fi­cul­ties. If you can fin­ish before Con­gress gets back, the bet­ter. What­ev­er free­doms you could restore would help.”
For­giv­ing away human rights abus­es in Latin Amer­i­ca was stan­dard U.S. pol­i­cy in the 1970s. Wash­ing­ton favored strong mil­i­tary pow­er and con­trol over messy unpre­dictable democ­ra­cy (a for­mu­la­tion which could be a short­hand def­i­n­i­tion for post-Nazi _fascism_). After read­ing this week that the U.S. is wrap­ping entire iraqi vil­lages in barbed wire, it’s hard not to see us return­ing to this era. What will declas­si­fied doc­u­ments reveal about today’s White House occu­pants thir­ty years from now?

Recycling Dead Horses

November 12, 2003

I orig­i­nal­ly titled this entry “Why the peace move­ment is doomed,” but maybe that’s too strong a charge. Still, it’s hard to see how the coterie of small main­stream groups (and the old­er activists in charge) expect to attract new peo­ple when they keep recy­cling old cam­paigns that are ridicu­lous and borderline-irrelevant. A small coali­tion is call­ing for a new cam­paign of anti-war phone tax resis­tance.

A lot of U.S. war tax resisters have loved protest­ing the “phone war tax” over the years. Some his­to­ry, from the new site: a tax on phone use was first used to fund the Spanish-American war back in 1898 and spe­cial war-related phone tax­es came and went for forty years. The only prob­lem is that it was a good fund­ing stream, a tax the U.S. Con­gress didn’t want to give up. So the phone tax has been autho­rized and reau­tho­rized the Sec­ond World War.

If I’m read­ing the site’s his­to­ry right, there’s been a con­tin­u­ous phone tax since 1932(!) and it’s all gone into the gen­er­al bud­get. Like all tax­es, a good chunk of it has fund­ed mil­i­tary action, but it’s no dif­fer­ent per­cent­age than any oth­er tax. Like all tax­es, we’ve need­ed this many tax­es because the U.S. is a very mil­i­ta­rized coun­try and it has gone up and down in rela­tion to mil­i­tary spend­ing. But even Con­gress hasn’t both­ered to think of it as war-related for many years now.

I’d be embar­rased to try to tell some eigh­teen year old born in 1985 that this tax has some spe­cial war sig­nif­i­cance just because did dur­ing the Viet­nam War. Back in the six­ties, a bunch of rad­i­cal paci­fists jumped on the phone tax resis­tance and haven’t been able to let go in all this time. So why this cling­ing to phone tax­es as a way of protest­ing war? I assume every­one likes it is because it’s safe. For those rea­sons it’s also entire­ly sym­bol­ic and almost com­plete­ly meaningless.

Can’t we come up with new tac­tics? When will we be able to leave the Viet­nam War to the his­to­ri­ans and just move on? Many peo­ple think the old-line peace move­ment is a bunch of aging hip­pies; with cam­paigns like this, we kin­da prove them right. Let’s brain­storm some new actions!

Blueprint for a Mess, the planning behind the U.S. occupation

November 3, 2003

For those asleep for the past two years, the _New York Times Magazine_ has a long arti­cle by David Rieff, “Blue­print for a Mess”:www.nytimes.com/2003/11/02/magazine/02iraq.html, that looks at ongo­ing prob­lems with the U.S. occu­pa­tion of iraq:
bq. His­tor­i­cal­ly, it is rare that a warm wel­come is extend­ed to an occu­py­ing mil­i­tary force for very long, unless, that is, the post­war goes very smooth­ly. And in iraq, the post­war occu­pa­tion has not gone smoothly.
The arti­cle looks at the ide­o­log­i­cal roots of the post-war plan of occu­pa­tion. A num­ber of key deci­sions were made in the Pen­tagon’s war room with lit­tle input from the State Depart­ment. Much of the plan­ning revolved around Ahmad Cha­l­abi, the two-bit, self-proclaimed iraqi oppo­si­tion par­ty leader dur­ing the last decade of Sad­dam Hus­sein’s reign. Cha­l­abi spent most of the 90s in Lon­don and Wash­ing­ton, where he became the dar­ling of the Repub­li­can pol­i­cy hawks who were also side­lined from polit­i­cal pow­er. Togeth­er Cha­l­abi and Wash­ing­ton fig­ures like Don­ald Rums­feld spent the 90s hatch­ing up war plans if they ever took pow­er again. Unfor­tu­nate­ly Rums­feld’s plans did­n’t have the wide­spread sup­port of the U.S. diplo­mat­ic and mil­i­tary estab­lish­ment and Cha­l­abi has had vir­tu­al­ly no sup­port inside iraq. But the con­ver­sa­tions and deci­sions between the token iraqi oppo­si­tion and the out-of-power Repub­li­can hawks has dri­ven the occupation:
bq. The lack of secu­ri­ty and order on the ground in iraq today is in large mea­sure a result of deci­sions made and not made in Wash­ing­ton before the war start­ed, and of the spe­cif­ic approach­es toward cop­ing with post­war iraq under­tak­en by Amer­i­can civil­ian offi­cials and mil­i­tary com­man­ders in the imme­di­ate after­math of the war.
Rieff is pes­simistic but he backs up his claims. The arti­cle is long but it’s a must-read. The post­war occu­pa­tions of iraq and Afghanistan will almost cer­tain­ly be the defin­ing for­eign pol­i­cy issue of this gen­er­a­tion, and paci­fists must look beyond ide­ol­o­gy and rhetoric to under­stand what’s hap­pen­ing in iraq.

Shouting for Attention

October 29, 2003

Burn­ing up the blo­gos­phere is a post and dis­cus­sion on Michael J Tot­ten’s site about the “Work­ers World Par­ty and Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR”:http://www.michaeltotten.com/archives/000131.html.
He calls them “the new skin­heads” (huh?), but his cri­tique of these orga­ni­za­tions and the “uncon­di­tion­al sup­port” they give to anti‑U.S. fas­cists the world over is valid.
As a paci­fist it’s often a tough bal­anc­ing act to try to remain a steady voice for peace: this spring we were try­ing to simul­ta­ne­ous­ly cri­tiquing both Sad­dam Hus­sein and U.S. war plans against iraq. Both left and right denounce paci­fists for this insis­tence on con­sis­ten­cy, but that’s okay: it is these times when non­vi­o­lent activists have the most to con­tribute to the larg­er soci­etal debate. But hard-left groups like Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR refuse to draw the line and refuse to con­demn the very real evil that exists in the world.
Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR has spon­sored big anti-war ral­lies over the last year, but anti-war is not nec­es­sar­i­ly pro-nonviolence. Many of the par­tic­i­pants at the ral­lies would nev­er sup­port Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR’s larg­er agen­da, but go because it’s a peace ral­ly, shrug­ging off the pol­i­tics of the spon­sor­ing group. I sus­pect that Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR’s sup­port base would dis­ap­pear pret­ty quick­ly if they start­ed ral­ly­ing on oth­er issues.
Inter­na­tion­al ANSWeR just had anoth­er ral­ly last week­end but you did­n’t see it list­ed here on Non​vi​o​lence​.org. Oth­er peace groups co-sponsored it, echo­ing the All-caps/exclamation style of orga­niz­ing. It’s very strange to go the site of “Unit­ed for peace,” a coali­tion of peace groups, and look down the list of its next three events: “Stop the Wall!,” “Stop the FTAA!, “Shut Down the School of the Amer­i­c­as” When did paci­fism become shout­ing for atten­tion along­side the Work­ers World Par­ty? Why are we all about stop­ping this and shut­ting down that?

Attacks a sign of our success

October 28, 2003

I could­n’t believe it when a friend told me the news. In the wake of four coor­di­nat­ed sui­cide attacks in iraq that killed 30 and injured 200, Pres­i­dent George Bush claimed that the “attacks were mere­ly a mark of how suc­cess­ful­ly the U.S. Occu­pa­tion is going”:www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/meast/10/27/sprj.irq.main/index.html :
bq. “There are ter­ror­ists in iraq who are will­ing to kill any­body in order to stop our progress. The more suc­cess we have on the ground, the more these killers will react — and our job is to find them and bring them to justice.”
This is real­ly his way of explain­ing away all oppo­si­tion to the U.S.: peo­ple must be jeal­ous of all we have and all we do. But maybe iraqis con­tin­ue to be angry that we invad­ed their coun­try; maybe they’re angry that we’ve only rein­stalled many of their gen­er­als and many of Sad­dam’s hench­men. Maybe they’re wait­ing for a democratically-elected coun­cil. I’m sure many iraqi’s con­demn yes­ter­day’s bomb­ings. But it’s still way too ear­ly to declare vic­to­ry in the war of iraqi pub­lic opinion.

U.S. throwing out Al Qaeda trial

September 26, 2003

Updat­ing a sto­ry we brought you back in July , the U.S. Jus­tice Depart­ment wants to drop the charges against the only per­son charged in an Amer­i­can court over the Sep­tem­ber 11 attacks two years ago. The Jus­tice Depart­ment doesn’t want to allow Zacarias Mous­saoui or his defense team to inter­view oth­er sus­pect­ed terrorists.

What does Mous­saoui know? What do his poten­tial defense wit­ness­es know? And why doesn’t U.S. Attor­ney Gen­er­al John Ashcroft want these peo­ple to speak in an open tri­al? Mous­saoui has admit­ted being a mem­ber of Al Qae­da but any infor­ma­tion he or his wit­ness­es know is at least two years old. Why is a tri­al so wor­ri­some that the U.S. would throw away a tri­al over it?

Michael Moore explains how deal with Lies and Lying Liars

September 26, 2003

Film­mak­er Michael Moore’s satir­ic doc­u­men­tary on gun own­er­ship in the Unit­ed States is out on video and DVD now. “Bowl­ing for Columbine” is pure Moore: he goes around the coun­try talk­ing with gun own­ers and gun vic­tims but also ties it all in with a cul­ture of mil­i­tarism and violence.
Not unpre­dictably, the pro-gun lob­bies have cam­paigned against the movie and have tried to dis­cred­it it. In the last month or so, plen­ty of blogs and even some of the cable news net­works have been full of expos­es of the film­mak­er’s sup­posed deceits. “Now Moore response to his critics”:http://www.michaelmoore.com/words/wackoattacko/
If you haven’t seen “Bowl­ing for Columbine” go right out to your video store and do. Moore is one of the best satirists in the coun­try today. He com­bines humor with hor­ror and pro­duces work that is always com­pelling to watch.